On February 5th, during a jailbreak, the Tutsi military rebel group, M23, broke into the women’s ward of the Munzenze Prison in Goma, the largest city in Congo. They raped at least 150 women. After committing this abhorrent act, the group set fire to the prison and burned the victims alive.
Who is M23?
M23 is a Congolese Tutsi military rebel group which formed in 2012. It is allegedly backed by Rwanda and its authoritarian President, Paul Kagame.
Most of the founding members of M23 were former members of the National Congress for the Defense of the People (CDNP). The name “M23” derives from the failed peace negotiation between the CDNP and the Democratic Republic of Congo that took place on March 23, 2009, leading to its dissolution. The negotiation attempted to protect Congo’s Tutsi population and put an end to the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR).
The purpose of both M23 and the CDNP traces back to Rwanda’s long, difficult history. The people of Rwanda carry the extensive trauma of European colonization, war, and genocide.
The FLDR is a rebel Hutu group which opposes the influence of Tutsi people in Congo. It has committed acts of terrorism against the citizens of Congo, including “the targeting of women and children in armed conflict, […] killing and maiming, sexual violence, and forced displacement.”
In 2022, M23 began to grow in power and strength. Currently, M23 occupies major Congolese towns, including Bunagana, Kiwanja, Kitchanga, Rubaya, Rutshuru, and now, Goma, the capital of Congo.
M23 and The Trauma Cycle of War
The Tutsi rebel group, M23, claims to be fighting against the oppression of the Tutsi people in Congo and fighting for the return of Congolese Tutsi refugees from Rwanda and Uganda. Yet their actions directly conflict with their words. Instead of working harder towards peace negotiations, M23 is simply repeating the actions of their oppressors.
One might think that after witnessing the mass rapes of the Rwandan Genocide, M23 would recognize the devastating effects of committing such acts. Nevertheless, it seems they desire revenge instead: revenge against the Hutu for their extreme violence during the civil war, and revenge against Congo for failing to protect them. Not only has M23 carried out executions and forcefully recruited child soldiers, they have now resorted to mass rape.
The jailbreak rape of January 27th bears eerie similarities to the 1994 “rape squads” formed by the Hutu extremists. They are not using biological warfare and have not committed the crime of genital mutilation. Yet, this act seems organized. It seems like a weapon of war.
Mass Rape as a Method of Dismantling Culture and Community
Women are frequently referred to as the keepers of culture. Due to their traditional role, mothers and daughters are often held responsible for maintaining cultural traditions in the household. This is especially true in migratory families like the Tutsi and Hutu people of Congo.
Hutu extremists directly admitted to their intentions in raping Tutsi women during the Rwandan Genocide. They claimed that Tutsi women acted as a fifth column. This term refers to an enemy group which dismantles social structures of those in power from within.
The trauma of rape lasts for generations. It affects the structure and success of victims’ family and immediate community. Moreover, mass organized rape inflicted on a people group causes negative effects to be much more widespread and deep-rooted in its culture and community.
These barbaric acts are nothing new. They are acts of psychological warfare that have existed as long as war has been around. Survivors often hesitate to speak up about their experience due to fear of being ostracized, shamed, or regarded as a member of the enemy group.
Unfortunately, peace negotiations between warring nations, in their haste to end conflict, rarely address sexual violence. They grant perpetrators of sexual violence peace agreements, leaving their victims with extensive trauma.
The Limitations of External Intervention
Recently, the UK has rather ambiguously stated that there would be consequences for Rwanda. The United States Treasury Department has initiated multiple sanctions on people suspected of collaborating with M23. These sanctions include Rwanda’s Minister of State for Regional Integration, James Kabarebe. The US Treasury also sanctioned the spokesman for M23, Lawrence Kanyuka, along with his two companies in the UK and France.
Unfortunately, external intervention typically proves to be largely ineffective. It is useful in immediate terms of putting out fires with resources conflicting countries may not possess. However, the efforts of external intervention often fail to understand the culture of the people they are attempting to help.
Rwanda’s foreign ministry stated that the sanctions were “unjustified and unfounded.” The ministry believes that they would not help to resolve the conflict. They explained that “[the sanctions] make no contribution toward long-term security, peace and stability for all the countries of the Great Lakes region.”
The United Nations Security Council does confirm eyewitness testimonies that claim M23 has received military supplies from the Rwandan Defense Forces. However, the major issue of these sanctions and “consequences” is that those who are imposing them have not yet proved Rwanda to be sponsoring M23.
When Will It End?
It is tempting to feel sorry for members of M23. War, genocide, and organized rape have consumed their entire lives. Much of these atrocities can arguably be traced back to European colonization, and external efforts at establishing peace in Rwanda and Congo have proven to be complete failures.
The nation by which they found refuge, Congo, is doing little to intervene, even after the Tutsi formally asked for protection. However, someone has to end the trauma cycle at some point. Someone has to take measures to rectify past transgressions without the use of violence. If we dare to excuse these abhorrent acts, they will only continue adding fuel to the fire.